On This Day in History: July 01, 

2019 – May God Bless and Save the United States of America – Our Constitutional Republic !

#4C – Where Is the Spirit of 1776?

It is the year of our Lord Twenty Twenty and of the United States of America the Two Hundred Forty-four. We the People have seemingly lost our way. Where is the fervor and zeal of our Founding Fathers and those of our ancestors who established our Constitutional Republic as a bastion of Liberty? We the People need to reflect upon the Words of James Madison, Founding Father, Father of the Constitution and Fourth President of the United States of America.

The Federalist Papers are a series of 85 essays arguing in support of the United States Constitution. They were written under the pen name of Publius and printed in three newspapers between October 1787 and April 1788. There were actually three writers Alexander Hamilton (Nos. 1, 6-9, 11-13, 15-17, 21-36, 59-61, 65-85), James Madison (Nos. 10, 14, 18-20, 37-58, 62-63), and John Jay (Nos. 2-5, 64). The following quotes are only from James Madison’s efforts in support of the proposed new Constitution.

Federalist Papers

As long as the reason of man continues fallible, and he is at liberty to exercise it, different opinions will be formed. As long as the connection subsists between his reason and his self-love, his opinions and his passions will have a reciprocal influence on each other. (Federalist No. 10, November 23, 1787)

Among the numerous advantages promised by a well-constructed Union, none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. (Federalist No. 10, November 23, 1787)

No man is allowed to be a judge in his own cause, because his interest would certainly bias his judgment, and, not improbably, corrupt his integrity. (Federalist No. 10, November 23, 1787)

The great security against a gradual concentration of the several powers in the same department consists in giving to those who administer each department the necessary constitutional means and personal motives to resist encroachment of the others. (Federalist No. 10, November 23, 1787)

Democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security, or the rights of property; and have, in general, been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. (Federalist No. 10, November 23, 1787)

The latent causes of faction are thus sown in the nature of man. (Federalist No. 10, November 23, 1787)

The apportionment of taxes on the various descriptions of property is an act which seems to require the most exact impartiality; yet there is, perhaps, no legislative act in which greater opportunity and temptation are given to a predominant party to trample on the rules of justice. Every shilling which they overburden the inferior number is a shilling saved to their own pockets. (Federalist No. 10, November 23, 1787)

The diversity in the faculties of men from which the rights of property originate, is not less an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of interests. The protection of these faculties is the first object of government. (Federalist No. 10, November 23, 1787)

Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm. (Federalist No. 10, November 23, 1787)

In the first place, it is to be remembered, that the general government is not to be charged with the whole power of making and administering laws: its jurisdiction is limited to certain enumerated objects, which concern all the members of the republic, but which are not to be attained by the separate provisions of any. (Federalist No. 14, November 30, 1787)

Is it not the glory of the people of America, that whilst they have paid a decent regard to the opinions of former times and other nations, they have not suffered a blind veneration for antiquity, for custom, or for names, to overrule the suggestions of their own good sense, the knowledge of their own situation, and the lessons of their own experience? To this manly spirit, posterity will be indebted for the possession, and the world for the example of the numerous innovations displayed on the American theatre, in favor of private rights and public happiness. (Federalist No. 14, November 30, 1787)

They accomplished a revolution which has no parallel in the annals of human society. They reared the fabrics of governments which have no model on the face of the globe. They formed the design of a great Confederacy, which it is incumbent on their successors to improve and perpetuate. (Federalist No. 14, November 30, 1787)

America united with a handful of troops, or without a single soldier, exhibits a more forbidding posture to foreign ambition than America disunited, with a hundred thousand veterans ready for combat. (Federalist No. 14, November 30, 1787)

Happily for America, happily, we trust, for the whole human race, they pursued a new and more noble course. They accomplished a revolution which has no parallel in the annals of human society. (Federalist No. 14, November 20, 1787)

Energy in government is essential to that security against external and internal danger and to that prompt and salutary execution of the laws which enter into the very definition of good government. Stability in government is essential to national character and to the advantages annexed to it, as well as to that repose and confidence in the minds of the people, which are among the chief blessings of civil society. (Federalist No. 37, January 11, 1788)

It is impossible for the man of pious reflection not to perceive in it [the Constitution] a finger of that Almighty hand which has been so frequently and signally extended to our relief in the critical stages of the revolution. (Federalist No. 37, January 11, 1788)

Stability in government is essential to national character and to the advantages annexed to it, as well as to that repose and confidence in the minds of the people, which are among the chief blessings of civil society. (Federalist No. 37, January 11, 1788)

That the most productive system of finance will always be the least burdensome. (Federalist No. 39, January 1788)

Each State, in ratifying the Constitution, is considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act. In this relation, then, the new Constitution will, if established, be a FEDERAL, and not a NATIONAL constitution. (Federalist No. 39, January 1788)

If we resort for a criterion to the different principles on which different forms of government are established, we may define a republic to be, or at least may bestow that name on, a government which derives all its powers directly or indirectly from the great body of the people, and is administered by persons holding their offices during pleasure for a limited period, or during good behavior. (Federalist No. 39, January 1788)

Every man who loves peace, every man who loves his country, every man who loves liberty ought to have it ever before his eyes that he may cherish in his heart a due attachment to the Union of America and be able to set a due value on the means of preserving it. (Federalist No. 41, January 1788)

How could a readiness for war in time of peace be safely prohibited, unless we could prohibit, in like manner, the preparations and establishments of every hostile nation? (Federalist No. 41, January 1788)

But the mild voice of reason, pleading the cause of an enlarged and permanent interest, is but too often drowned, before public bodies as well as individuals, by the clamors of an impatient avidity for immediate and immoderate gain. (Federalist No. 42, January 22, 1788)

What is to be the consequence, in case the Congress shall misconstrue this part [the necessary and proper clause] of the Constitution and exercise powers not warranted by its true meaning, I answer the same as if they should misconstrue or enlarge any other power vested in them…the success of the usurpation will depend on the executive and judiciary departments, which are to expound and give effect to the legislative acts; and in a last resort a remedy must be obtained from the people, who can by the elections of more faithful representatives, annul the acts of the usurpers. (Federalist No. 44, January 25, 1788)

It is too early for politicians to presume on our forgetting that the public good, the real welfare of the great body of the people, is the supreme object to be pursued; and that no form of government whatever has any other value than as it may be fitted for the attainment of this object. (Federalist No. 45, January 26, 1788)

The operations of the federal government will be most extensive and important in times of war and danger; those of the State governments, in times of peace and security. (Federalist No. 45, January 26, 1788)

The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. (Federalist No. 45, January 26, 1788)

We have heard of the impious doctrine in the old world, that the people were made for kings, not kings for the people. Is the same doctrine to be revived in the new, in another shape — that the solid happiness of the people is to be sacrificed to the views of political institutions of a different form? It is too early for politicians to presume on our forgetting that the public good, the real welfare of the great body of the people, is the supreme object to be pursued; and that no form of government whatever has any other value than as it may be fitted for the attainment of this object. (Federalist No. 45, January 26, 1788)

May God Bless and Save the United States of America —
Our Constitutional Republic !